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Simon van Teutem (28) onderzoekt opmars radicaal-rechts

Channel: De Telegraaf Published: 2026-02-28 08:31
De Telegraaf

An interview with Simon van Teutem about his book on elite talent, his Oxford background, and his broader political work on the rise of radical right politics in Europe and the Netherlands. The conversation also touches on consultancy, banks, public-sector efficiency, immigration politics, cordons sanitaires, and why ambitious young people often end up in high-status but socially ambiguous careers.

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Detailed summary

Simon van Teutem presents himself as someone shaped by elite academic and professional pathways, but who ultimately rejected the expected route into consulting, banking, or corporate law. He says he studied at Oxford, became immersed in political writing, and later wrote *De Bermuda Driehoek van Talent*, a critique of how top students are funneled into high-paying but, in his view, often socially underwhelming careers. The core thesis of the book, as discussed here, is that the system rewards external validation, risk aversion, and prestige-seeking, while drawing talent away from more socially useful institutions. A major portion of the interview focuses on consultancy firms, especially McKinsey, and the tension between their polished public image and the projects they actually take on. …

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Main takeaways

  1. Van Teutem argues elite talent is systematically redirected into prestige careers that feel safe but often underdeliver socially.
  2. He sees consultancy as especially morally self-justifying, because firms present themselves as public-minded while serving powerful clients.
  3. He says government outsourcing can hollow out state capacity and create repeat dependence on external consultants.
  4. He thinks radical-right support is not reducible to one class story; place, housing stress, and perceived exclusion matter a lot.
  5. He distinguishes between legitimate concern about migration and the extremist fringe, especially around Forum voor Democratie.
  6. His personal motivation is strongly tied to his father’s regret about not living more deliberately.

Market read by horizon

Short term

Tactically, the immediate watchpoint is the Dutch asylum and anti-bureaucracy debate: rhetoric that dismisses voter anger risks feeding the same radical-right forces it is trying to contain. For now, the most actionable setup is political rather than market-based, centered on how the new cabinet and media handle migration, local burden-sharing, and FvD.

  • The immediate political setup is the Dutch debate over asylum, the spreidingswet, and how local burden-sharing is communicated.
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  • A near-term issue is whether mainstream media and politicians continue to invite or ignore Forum voor Democratie as it remains electorally relevant.
  • Van Teutem’s tactical view is that some extreme-right actors are beyond normal political engagement, but not every right-wing voter or concern is.
Mid term

Over the next several months, the base case is continued support for radical-right actors unless mainstream parties address housing stress, migration capacity, and institutional credibility more convincingly. On the public-sector side, promised efficiency drives look hard to deliver without real staffing discipline and less reliance on external consultants.

  • Over the next few months, his base case is that radical-right influence stays durable unless mainstream parties address the underlying housing, migration, and representation issues more credibly.
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  • He expects the consultation-heavy model in government to remain a structural drag unless there is real discipline on staffing, budgets, and outsourcing.
  • He thinks the asylum debate will keep being shaped by capacity failures and uneven burden-sharing, which will sustain resentment in local communities.
Long term

Structurally, the transcript argues that elite institutions increasingly misallocate talent and hollow out public capability, while political systems normalize more extreme actors without resolving the underlying grievances. The longer-run implication is a less trustworthy state, a more fragmented political center, and a talent pipeline that rewards status over contribution.

  • His structural thesis is that elite institutions keep rewarding status-seeking over contribution, which diverts talent away from the public good.
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  • He sees a durable regime problem in how governments outsource expertise instead of building internal capability, making the state dependent and less competent over time.
  • He thinks the normalization of radical-right politics has changed the boundary conditions of public debate, and that the key question is now which actors remain outside legitimate politics.
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Key claims (3)

NEUTRAL political polarization / far-right normalization

Stigmatizing or cordon sanitaire approaches against radical right parties can backfire and increase support for those parties once the topics they raise have become normalized.

The speaker cites Vicente Valentim's research showing a backlash effect: when political topics are already normalized, calling people 'radical right' backfires and incentivizes voting for those parties rather than deterring it.

BULLISH political strategies against extremism

Consistent stigmatization of radical right parties can be effective at containing them if the social norms against them have not yet been broken.

The speaker argues that unlike with PVV or JA21 (where topics are already normalized), Forum voor Democratie is still at a stage where consistent stigmatization could prevent normalization.

BEARISH Russia relations / Dutch far-right foreign policy

Forum voor Democratie is the only party in the Netherlands that wants to do business with Putin and Russia.

The speaker states that Forum voor Democratie is the sole Dutch party actively seeking business ties with Putin and Russia, in the context of Navalny's poisoning.

Assets discussed (9)

McKinsey
BEARISH other

Used as the key example of consulting firms whose public image clashes with the societal impact of some projects.

ABN AMRO
NEUTRAL stock

Mentioned as one of the banks where he did summer placements; not presented as a thesis on the stock.

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Speakers

GUEST Simon van Teutem INTERVIEWER Interviewer (De Telegraaf)

Interview (36 Q&A)

Oxford choice

Why did you want to study at Oxford?

He says he was a nerdy high-school student who enjoyed political and social discussion, reading The Economist, and learning from older debate-club friends who were smarter and read more than he did. That made him want to surround himself with people smarter than himself and aim to be the dumbest student in the class.

book reaction

What reaction did you get from people in those industries after writing the book?

He says he expected criticism, but in practice he mostly received supportive messages from people who work in those sectors. He still gets LinkedIn messages and even drunken reactions in bars from people saying they liked the book or relate to it, though some partners may speak negatively about it behind the scenes.

career decision

What made you decide not to go into consulting or a big law firm?

He says the consulting world often seemed to validate what CEOs already wanted to hear, which made him question whether he was really adding value. A major additional factor was reading reporting on McKinsey’s role in harmful real-world outcomes, especially the opioid crisis.

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Where this transcript pushes against consensus

  • He treats McKinsey-style consulting as broadly morally compromised, but the examples mix severe cases with ordinary client work, so the argument may overgeneralize from the worst projects.
  • His critique of government outsourcing is persuasive on dependency, but he does not fully specify when external expertise is preferable or how to design a better internal market for talent.
  • On radical-right normalization, he cites backlash research but then also argues for stronger stigma against some actors; the boundary between effective stigmatization and counterproductive moralizing is left fuzzy.
  • His claim that people mainly say what they care about at face value may underweight situations where self-reported motives and underlying drivers diverge.
  • He is sympathetic to housing and asylum grievances, but the transcript does not fully resolve how to balance local consent with national burden-sharing in practice.

Topics

elite talent allocationconsulting industry criticismMcKinsey and corporate moralitybanking and M&ADutch government efficiencyexternal hiring and outsourcingradical right politicsasylum and migration politicscordon sanitaire debatepersonal vocation and mortality

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