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"Ce que veut faire la Nouvelle France, c’est dégager l’ancienne France !" (Philippe De Villiers)

Channel: Europe 1 Published: 2026-06-13 04:00
Europe 1

Philippe de Villiers argues that Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s rhetoric about the “Nouvelle-France” signals an existential conflict with the “ancienne France,” which he links to identity, language, religion, and national memory. He also defends his own controversial remarks about Raphaël Glucksmann and Xenia Fedorova as satirical, arguing the media selectively clipped and distorted them.

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Detailed summary

Philippe de Villiers’ core thesis is that Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s “Nouvelle-France” is not just campaign rhetoric but a declaration of civilizational confrontation with what he calls the “ancienne France.” He treats the phrase “ce que veut faire la Nouvelle France, c’est dégager l’ancienne France” as the key political signal of the moment, and he frames the coming conflict as a struggle over identity, memory, rural France, religion, language, and the very continuity of the nation. He builds that argument by quoting and paraphrasing Mélenchon’s meeting, including slogans like “On est chez nous,” which de Villiers says have been rhetorically transferred from the right to the left and now used with an opposite meaning. …

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Main takeaways

  1. De Villiers sees Mélenchon’s “Nouvelle-France” as an explicit project to displace the “ancienne France.”
  2. He frames national politics as a cultural struggle over memory, rurality, religion, and language.
  3. He argues that slogans such as “On est chez nous” have been reappropriated and weaponized across political camps.
  4. He says the media selectively edited his remarks about Xenia Fedorova to make them look antisemitic.
  5. He believes the Ukraine debate is tied to the rehabilitation of nationalist figures linked to Nazi collaboration.
  6. He says legal complaints will be filed against the outlets and commentators he accuses of defamation.

Market read by horizon

Short term

Tactically, the setup is a fresh controversy cycle: clipped remarks, media backlash, and likely counterattacks. Near-term risk is that the story gets reduced to outrage headlines rather than the original argument.

  • Immediate focus is the fallout from the clipped Fedorova remarks and any legal action announced by William Goldnadel.
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  • The most actionable risk is reputational: de Villiers is signaling more media conflict and potential clip-driven backlash.
  • Mélenchon’s campaign framing around “Nouvelle-France” is the near-term political catalyst he is reacting to.
Mid term

Over the next several weeks, expect the French campaign debate to polarize further around national identity, immigration, and media trust. The thesis strengthens if Mélenchon keeps leaning into “Nouvelle-France” language and de Villiers keeps getting clipped or rebutted.

  • Over the next few weeks and months, de Villiers expects the identity debate to intensify rather than fade.
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  • His base case is that the campaign will increasingly polarize around “two Frances”: a modern/urban/immigration-friendly bloc versus a traditional/national one.
  • He wants to validate the thesis through recurring cultural and historical flashpoints, not just election polling.
Long term

Structurally, de Villiers is describing a regime-level shift from policy politics to competing civilizational narratives about France. If durable, that implies a long-lived identity cleavage where culture, religion, and historical memory matter more than normal left-right economics.

  • His structural thesis is that French politics is moving into a civilizational cleavage rather than a normal left-right cycle.
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  • He believes national memory, religious identity, and language are being rewritten, not merely debated.
  • The lasting implication, in his view, is that the legitimacy of a shared French narrative is being contested at the regime level.
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Key claims (6)

BEARISH French identity conflict Jean-Luc Mélenchon

Mélenchon’s “Nouvelle-France” is framed as a project to push out the “ancienne France.”

De Villiers says the expression means the new camp wants the old one to leave or disappear.

MIXED political rhetoric

The slogan “On est chez nous” has been politically transferred from the right to the left with reversed meaning.

He argues the same words now serve the opposite camp and agenda.

BEARISH demographic change rurality

He says rural France is being mentally erased in favor of mass metropolization and invasive immigration.

This is presented as his interpretation of what Mélenchon’s statement about rurality implies.

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Interview (3 Q&A)

service public / livre

Est-ce que vous êtes surpris par toutes ces actualités qui se percutent — la mise en demeure du service public par l'Arcom et le livre de Jacques Cardos ?

De Villiers dit avoir lu le livre et le décrit comme « une éruption volcanique » qui décrit le Titanic depuis la salle des machines. Il raconte que Jacques Cardos (ancien patron de Complément d'enquête) a voulu faire un sujet sur Mélenchon mais qu'on lui a dit non parce que « les filles nous donnent beaucoup de renseignement ».

Nouvelle-France / 2027

Est-ce que selon vous cet affrontement entre la Nouvelle-France et l'ancienne France sera l'enjeu majeur de 2027 ?

De Villiers dit que Mélenchon est intelligent et que la grande confrontation métahistorique entre les deux Frances est bien le vrai enjeu. Il oppose ceux qui veulent une Nouvelle France (qu'il lie au « Wistan et l'islamistan ») et ceux qui veulent sauver l'ancienne France. Il analyse le slogan « On est chez nous » repris par le camp de Mélenchon alors qu'il était historiquement un slogan du RN et de Zemour, et le « grand remplacement » qui change de camp politique.

manipulation médiatique

Quelle est votre réaction ce soir face à la manipulation médiatique de vos propos sur Xenia Federova ?

De Villiers raconte une anecdote avec Bernadette Chirac qui lui avait dit de faire attention aux journalistes « analphabètes » et « moines copistes ». Il explique avoir utilisé une anaphore et un raisonnement par l'absurde : partant du syllogisme que Xenia Federova est qualifiée d'agent de propagande russe parce qu'elle est russe, il étend le même raisonnement à Glucksmann (agent de propagande ukrainienne), Rima Hassan (agent du Hamas) et le recteur de la mosquée de Paris (agent algérien). Il accuse les journalistes d'avoir découpé et sorti de son contexte uniquement ce qui concernait Glucksmann, et annonce qu'il porte plainte pour diffamation via son avocat William Goldnadel.

Where this transcript pushes against consensus

  • He offers strong rhetorical claims about a civilizational split but little concrete evidence beyond quotations and interpretation.
  • The argument that media edits prove bad faith may be true in parts, but he does not fully address whether his own satire was reasonably predictable as inflammatory.
  • His comparison of contemporary political opponents to historical mass repression regimes is highly analogical and not tightly evidenced.
  • He treats broad cultural claims about France, Islam, and urbanization as self-evident, without engaging counter-data or internal diversity.
  • The claim that Ukraine is broadly sliding toward Nazism is asserted through examples and citations, but the transcript does not fully substantiate the generalization.

Topics

Nouvelle-France vs ancienne FranceJean-Luc MélenchonFrench identity and memoryMedia manipulation and clippingXenia FedorovaRaphaël GlucksmannUkraine and nationalismIslamism and secular French cultureRural France vs metropolizationDefamation and legal response

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